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Thursday, November 29, 2012

Chapter Six: Historical Argements


Antipaedobaptism in the Thought of John Tombes
Chapter Six
Historical Arguments

In three basic historical arguments Tombes dealt with a large body of material drawn from a host of writers both ancient and modern. In the attempt to secure historical precedents for their own views, men on both sides of the discussion gathered names and citations in abundance. The discussions focused on three main epochs: (1) the apostolic age; (2) the post-apostolic age; and (3) the modern age. For Tombes and his contemporaries, the modern age was from the Reformation to their time. In the Exercitation, Tombes dealt with the first two epochs within the historical arguments, leaving the modern readers to be cited throughout the theological, exegetical and practical arguments. It is in the realm of the historical that Tombes's skill as a "divine" comes into clear focus.

The Argument from the Practise of the Apostles and John the Baptiser


The first historical argument is taken from the practise of the Apostles and John Baptist, which "is the best interpreter of our Lord's institution...."1

Tombes's argument is structurally poor and hard to follow. The argument is complex and merges arguments on two levels. In Tombes's original words it reads:

Major premise: That tenet and practise, which being put: Baptisme cannot be administered, as John Baptist and the Apostles did administer it, agrees not with the practise of John Baptist and the Apostles.
Minor premise: But the tenet and practise of Infant-baptisme being put [in that way] Baptism cannot be administered, as John Baptist and the Apostles administered it,
Conclusion: Ergo, [Infant baptism was not practised by John Baptist and the Apostles.]2

There are two distinct points to be made in this argument: (1) baptism administered by John the Baptiser is the pattern to follow

Historical Arguments
and (2) baptism should follow faith and repentance. That ought to have necessitated more than one argument for sake of clarity. Perhaps, the two steps in his argument are better expressed as follows:

Major premise: Baptism is best administered as John the Baptist and the Apostles did administer it.
Minor premise: Baptism was administered by John the Baptist and the Apostles after demonstrations of faith and repentance.
Conclusion: Baptism is best administered after demonstrations of faith and repentance.3

The conclusion then becomes the major premise of a secondary argument:

Major premise: If baptism is best administered after demonstrations of faith and repentance.
Minor premise: And, this cannot be done in the baptism of Infants
Conclusion: Then the baptism of infants is not the best administration of baptism.4

Tombes, adhering to his biblio-centric views of theological authority, simply asserted that "The Major is of itself manifest".5 He wanted a positive, declarative and biblically codified expression for any practise in the church. As has already been noted, if a practise, any practise, in the church did not have such a basis in God's revelation, the Bible, Tombes considered it to be the "Leaven of the Pharisees", a human invention, mere will-worship at worst and doubtful at best. Tombes continued by giving the texts to be considered in an attempt to build a theological structure on the positive and declarative statements found in Scripture. He offered Matt 3:6; Luke 3:10; Acts 2:38; Acts 8:12, 13; Acts 8:37; Acts 9:18; Acts 20:47; Acts 11:17, 18; Acts 16:15, 31-33; Acts 18:8; Acts 19:5; and Acts 22:16. The only commentary offered was on Acts 8:37.6 Tombes continued:

"[W]hen the Eunuch had said to Philip, What letteth me to be baptised? Philip answered, If though believest with thy whole heart thou maist; he implies the defect of faith to be an impediment of Baptisme".7

To prove the point of the minor premise, Tombes noted, "Before the Baptisme of John even Jews did confess sins, the Apostles

Antipaedobaptism in the Thought of John Tombes
before baptisme did require shews of faith and repentance, but this cannot be done in the baptisme of Infants". 8

In a sustaining argument, Tombes added:

This argument is confirmed, for if it be rightly argued from I Cor. 11.28 That the Lords Supper is not to be granted to Infants, because self-examination is pre-required, by like reason we say Baptisme is not to be yeelded to infants, because repentance and faith are pre-required, Act. 2:38. Act. 8.37. and that of those descended from Abraham, and to whom the promise was.9

Building on the first argument, Tombes restated what he believed the Scriptures implied on the matter. Both the natural and the spiritual descendants of Abraham must be baptised only after coming to faith and showing works of repentance. He drew this inference from the order of things commanded positively by Christ in Matthew 28:19: first to go to all nations, then to make disciples, then to baptise. Where Tombes had been accused of profaning the sacrament by virtue of his theological paradigm shift, he intimated that a change of order from what Christ had commanded was the true profanation of the sacrament.10

Drawing from the biblical record as regards John the Baptiser and the apostles, Tombes wrote:

Christ bids the Apostles presently after baptisme teach them to observe whatsoever be commanded them, but infants cannot doe this, therefore they are not to be baptized. Likewise baptizing infants, doth not agree with the primitive practise of John Baptist, and the Apostles, who required expressions of repentance and faith afore Baptisme, Mat. 3.6. Mark. 1.5. Luk. 3.10. Acts 2. 38. & 8. 12.13. 37. & 9.18 & 10.47. & 11.17, 18. & 16.15. 31, 32, 33. & 18.8. & 19.5. 8. 22. 16. [sic] in which places, profession of repentance and faith is still made the antecedent to Baptisme : but this doth not agree to infants, therefore they are not to be baptized.11

For Tombes's successive historical arguments this issue was all important. He scrutinised the works of historical theology from the age next to the Apostles onward for this pattern of practise established in the ministry of John, the Baptiser and the Apostles. His historical argumentation was Tombes's bridge from the relevant past to his time. Therefore, he spent much time uncovering all who dis

Historical Arguments
cussed the topic of baptism. In his innocence, he believed the force of argumentsexegetical, theological and historical-would be enough to persuade men to his position. He would learn this was not to be the case; however, his scholarship remains to inform the verdict of another age.

The Argument from the Practise in the Post-Apostolic Age

The second historical argument deals with baptism "in the age next to the apostles". In the Exercitation it was the seventeenth argument presented overall.12 The construction of the argument is the same as the previous:

Major premise: That tenet and practise is doubtfull of which it cannot be proved that it was in force or use, in the next Age after the Apostles,
Minor premise: But it cannot be proved that the tenet or practise of Infant-baptisme was in force or use in the Age next after the Apostles,
Conclusion: [Infant baptism is doubtful.]13

Tombes set out to prove the negative in the minor premise in two paragraphs in order to move onto the epoch wherein he believed the change in doctrine and practise occurred. Using a handful of sources, he wrote:

The Minor is proved by the testimony of Ladovicus Vives above recited, to which Vossius in thesibus Historica Theologicis, of Infant-baptisme, joynes the testimony of Waldafridus Strabo, and by the examining of places brought to that purpose, and by the continuation of questions propounded to the baptized in ages following, and other tokens from Councils and Ecclesiasticall writers, which in Historical businesse are wont to beget credit.14

Since questions were "propounded" to those undergoing the ordinance of baptism, it follows, in Tombes's reason, that the initiates must have had a degree of understanding well beyond that of a young child or nursing infant. The inference drawn was this: the early church was silent on the issue of infant baptism.

Tombes continued by expanding on how the grace of baptism would have been understood. Using a work from the ninth cen

Antipaedobaptism in the Thought of John Tombes
tury, he wrote:

The words of Waldafridus Strabo, who lived about the year 840. in his book de rebus Ecclesiasticis, Chap. 26. are these, We are also to note that in the first times the grace of Baptisme was wont only to be given to them, who by integrity both of body and minde were already come to this, that they could know and understand what profit is to be obtained in baptisme, what is to be confessed and believed, what lastly, is to be observed of them that are born again in Christ. 15

These historical claims by Antipaedobaptists were not met with silence. A number of works sought to deal with the issues raised through the use of historical theology. Robert Ram published a seventeen page tract to shed light on the issues from a paedobaptist perspective. 
In his tract, Ram cited ancient and modern authors. The work was made public in 1645 during the height of the first salvo of disputation. However, the oldest writer cited was Cyprian, who does not yet fit into the timeframe under discussion and the majority of the work is taken up with the medieval and modern writers. Quotations prior to 400 A.D. take up only one and one half pages of the text.16

The Argument from the "Wrong Original" of Infant Baptism

In Tombes's third historical argument, he set out to show the history of the transition from credobaptism to paedobaptism. The previous exegetical and theological arguments were but a foundation for the voluminous work done by Tombes in the area of historical theology. From Justin Martyr up to the seventeenth century, Tombes attempted to examine every reference to baptism, whether they were used by the Paedobaptists or not. He researched all references known to him or pointed out to him by others. This argument particularly is where his historical work and his main thesis stands or falls. If there were no historical precedent for his antipaedobaptism in the history of exegesis, theology and church practise, Tombes, to be consistent with his idealism, should have conceded. However, Tombes believed these historical precedents further proved his posi

Historical Arguments
tion. Either Tombes was a brilliant Hebraist, Latinist and Hellenist or he willingly twisted the data for his own purposes.17 This was the first attempt by a scholar to coordinate these historical references, many of which were only recently available since the ad fontes concerns of the Renaissance. During that time, scholars started critical analysis of manuscripts carried back to western centers of learning by clergy, crusaders and commercial endeavours. These were texts preserved by Muslim clerics from the ancient libraries of the Holy Land. The use of the texts of the ancient fathers was relatively modern for the mid-seventeenth century.18

Tombes presented the argument as four negative considerations in the following manner:

That which in succeeding Ages, in which it was in use, was in force, 1. as a Tradition not written; 2. Out of imitation of Jewish Circumcision; 3. Without universal practise; 4. Together with the error of giving Infants the Lords supper, and many other humane inventions, under the name of Apostolical traditions; That is deservedly doubtfull.19

Tombes moved on to examine each of these points to make his initial case. He tied each to a particular accepted authority or authorities in church history to present how paedobaptism came into the practise of the Church.
On the unwritten tradition, Tombes wrote:

But in some ages after the first from the Apostles, the tenet and practise of Infant-Baptisme was in use, 1. as a tradition not written, as appears from Origen, Hom. on Rom.6. Of which book nevertheless let me add the censure of Erasmus on the Homilies of Origen upon Leviticus, But he reads this work and the enarration of the Epistle to the Romans, is uncertain whether we read Origen or Rufinus.20 And the testimony fetched from these books for Infant-Baptisme, is so much the more to be suspected, because Augustine, Hierom, etc. rely (so far as yet manifest to me) on no other testimony, then of Cyprian and his fellow bishops in the Councel, of which mention is made Epist. 59. ad Fidum.21

A concern of Tombes manifest throughout his work was that the Church not devolve back into the Jewish economy, the Old Covenant. That concern drove his thought in this sub-argument. On baptism being the imitation of Jewish circumcision as the wrong origi

Antipaedobaptism in the Thought of John Tombes
nal, Tombes penned:

Secondly, out of imitation of Jewish circumcision, as the doubt of Fidus, in the 59. Epistle of Cyprian to Fidus, intimates, though these were also other reasons of Infant-baptisme ; as the opinion of the necessity of Baptisme to salvation, and the greedinesse to increase the number of Christians, and perhaps the imitation of heathenish lustration to little ones; and some other.22

Tombes moved on to the lack of universal practise as regards paedobaptism. He exploited the diversity in practise, and underscored some notable exceptions who were not baptised as infants or children. He continued:

Thirdly, without universal practise : for it is manifest that Constantine although born of Helena his mother, a Christian, was not baptized till aged, as Eusebius in his life of Constantine written by him. The same is manifest from the book of confessions of Augustine himself, whose mother Monica was a Christian.23

Herein was Tombes's subtle link to many of the preceding arguments. By his mention of parentage, Tombes was discrediting the infant's right to baptism via the infant's relationship to the covenant as in the argument from Genesis 17:7, the first exegetical argument. He also distanced historic practise from the argument for paedobaptism from 1 Corinthians 7:14. If the children were considered holy federally or instrumentally in the era of the fourth century, then Constantine and Augustine would have been baptised. Since they were not baptised as infants (or children), there was no universal practise of paedobaptism in the antecedent ages of Christian history.

Tombes continued with his own conclusion on the preceding point:

The things that may be drawn out of Theodoret, Augustine, and others...unlesse I be deceived will evince that (though in the church at those times, little ones were baptized, yet) many were not baptized, whose baptism its likely the Church would have sooner dispatched, if the opinion of Baptism that now obtains, had then obtained.24

Tombes had only recently removed his family to London in 1643 from Bristol. When the Royalist forces took Bristol, he fled to

Historical Arguments
London where the Westminster Assembly was about to sit. He believed it was among the divines in London where he could find a more settled conviction concerning right baptism.25  
In the disruption of the move, Tombes's works of divinity were not readily accessible. In a parenthetical statement within his third subpoint above, he wrote, "...although my books and notes out of them are wanting to me, by reason of the injury of our times."26 It is in subsequent works in later years where Tombes brought his historical research to bear.

Tombes's fourth criticism under the argument from the wrong original is expanded here in his own words:

Fourthly, together with the error of giving the Lord's supper to Infants, as is manifest out of the book of Cyprian de lapsis, and others. And that many other inventions of men under the name of Apostolicall tradition, out of a wrong liking of Judaisme, did then prevaile, as the Paschall solemnity, etc. is so obvious to him that reads Fathers and Ecclesiastical writers, that no one will need proof, Ergo.
And in very deed, as of old, because of the rite of Infant-baptisme seemed to be of so great moment against the Pelagian heresie, and for the authority of the Councel of Milevis, Augustine, Hierom, and others, rather than from any solid argument out of Scripture, in former ages, Infant-baptisme prevailed; so in this last age, some modern men seem to imbrace this tenet of Infant-baptisme, out of horror of mind, lest they should go headlong into the pernicious errors of former Anabaptists, and their mad furies, or lest seem to desert the leading men of the Reformed Churches, or move troubles in the Church, rather than the perspicuous foundation in the Scriptures.27
 
Nine months after sending the Exercitation to Mr. Whitaker, the chairman of the committee charged with examining the sacraments, Tombes had no direct reply. There was an indirect reply, however, in the form of a sermon preached by the Westminster Divine, Rev. Stephen Marshall.28

Marshall's introduction displayed the importance of the history of the practise of baptism for the debate. Tombes, in a response to Marshall's sermon, augmented the historical generalisations in the Exercitation with copious references and comment. Tombes cites Marshall's sermon:
That the Christian Church hath been in possession of it for the space of fifteen

Antipaedobaptism in the Thought of John Tombes
hundred years and upwards, as is manifest out of most Records that we have of Antiquity both in the Greek and Latine Churches.29

Tombes's reply included the relevant quotations from four Greek Fathers: Justin Martyr, Iraneus, Origen and Gregory Nazianzus. He went on to examine the major Latin Fathers: Cyprian, Augustine and Jerome (Hierom). These seven ancients were pivotal in Marshall's historical precedent for paedobaptism. Tombes replied to them all, drawing out general considerations as regards the historical practise to display that paedobaptism was not according to apostolic tradition, but was of late invention.

Dealing with the critical issues surrounding the text of Justin, Tombes wrote:

...[O]f whom you say, That he [Justin] lived Anno 150. which wants somewhat of 1500. years; and therefore you did somewhat overlash, in saying that it is manifest out of most of the Records of the Greek and Latine Church; the Church hath been in possession of the priviledge of baptizing Infants 1500. years and upwards; and then you say, In a Treatise that goes under his name : By which it is manifest that you know that it was questioned whether it was his or no; and I conceive you could not be ignorant, that it is not only questioned, but also proved by Perkins in his preparative to the demonstration of the Probleme, by Rivet in his Criticus sacer, by Robert Cooke of Leeds (if my memory fail me not, to which I am inforced to trust in many things, being spoiled [of] my bookes) in his Censure, and confessed by Papists, to be none of Justine Martyrs, but to be written a great while after his dayes; for as much as it mentions not only Iranaeus, but also Origen and the Manichees : Now what does this bastard treatise say?30

After undermining the historicity of the work, Tombes went on to analyse what the spurious work said:

Justine Martyr disputes the different condition of those children who die baptized, and of those children who die unbaptized. The question propounded is. If Infants dying have neither praise nor blaime by works, what is the difference in the resurrection of those that have been baptized by others, and have done nothing, and of those that have not been baptiz[e]d, and in like manner have done nothing. The Answer is, this is the difference of the baptized; that the baptized obtaine good things meaning the resurrection) by baptisme, but the unbaptized obtain not good things. And they are accounted worthy of the good things they have by their baptisme, by the faith of those that bring them

Historical Arguments
to baptisme. You may by this testimony see (whateer age the book was made in) what the reason of baptizing of Infants was : Not the supposed Covenant of grace, made to believers and their seed, which you [Marshall] make the ground of baptizing of infants : but the opinion that the not baptized should not obtain good things at the resurrection (meaning the Kingdome of God, mentioned Joh. 3. 5.) but the baptized should; and that by reason of the faith of the bringers, what ever the parents were, and therefore they baptized the children of unbelievers, as well as believers if they were brought.31

Tombes's threefold refutation of Marshall's first historical citation shows Tombes's analytical abilities. He did not allow Justin Martyr to be used as Marshall intended. What Justin showed, if it was Justin indeed, was one similarity-paedobaptism-and many dissimilarities between Justin and Marshall. The latter is to be taken as representative of the prevailing seventeenth century view among the Puritans that accentuated covenant continuity: differing subjects, differing foundation or ground and a differing effect. The subjects were the children indiscriminately of believers and unbelievers. The effect being that they might "obtain good things at the resurrection". The reason is found in "the faith of the bringers".32

The Greek Fathers

Tombes moved on to the Greek Fathers cited by Marshall. He started again by showing a critical problem:


Your next Greek Author is Irenaeus, who was indeed a Greeke, and who wrote in Greek, but now only we have his works in Latine, (except for a few fragments) for which reason we are not so certain of his meaning, as we might be if we had his own words in the language in which he wrote. You say he lived in the same Century and it is acknowledged that he lived in the same century with Justine Martyr but not with the Author of the Questions & Answers ad Orthodoxes, who (as hath been said) lived in some Age after. Irenaeus is by Usher placed in the yeare 180. by Osiander at the year 183 so that though he were of that Century, yet he reacheth not to your 1500. years & upwards.33

After showing that Marshall stopped his citation too abruptly, Tombes went on to show that the meaning of Irenaeus was foreign to

Antipaedobaptism in the Thought of John Tombes
the doctrine and practise Marshall was asserting. Marshall, by his use of Irenaeus, confused the argument. Tombes wrote:
...[F]or no where doth our Lord, or the Apostles call baptisme, New birth, although our Lord speake of being born again of water Ioh. 3.5. and Paul of the washing of regeneration. Tit. 3.5. and for the words themselves without the glosse, all the strength lyes in this, that the word (Renascuntur) is used for Baptisme by the Ancients, which yet possibly was not the word Irenaeus used in his own writing; and how the Latine translation alters the meaning of Irenaeus, you may see somewhat in Rivet. Vossius Thesibus Theologic. de Paedobapt. Thesi. 7 intimates, that the proper acceptation is of sanctification, and that the word may be so taken, yea and that it is not meant of Baptisme, the words of the whole scope of Irenaeus in that place shew. For the whole scope of Irenaeus in that chapter is to refute the Gnosticks, who sayd that Christ did not exceed one and thirty yeeres of age; against whom Irenaeus alleageth, that Christ lived in every age, of infancy, youth, old age, that by his age, & example, he might sanctifie every age, so that here Irenaeus speakes not of being born againe by Baptisme : for it is said, who are born againe by him, that is by Christ. Not as if he had baptized infants, but because he was an infant, that by example or vertue of his age, he might sanctifie infants....34

Tombes showed, therefore, that the purpose and scope of Irenaeus was not the same as Marshall's. Irenaeus's purpose was to refute the Gnostics of his day. His scope was to identify Christ's ability to sanctify all from infancy to otherwise.

Again, Tombes argued for texts to be understood in the given context. His methodology as a literary scholar was applied consistently. He used this principle that allowed the context to rule supremely while he applied it rigidly and consistently with the biblical and classical texts. Polemicising with Tombes brought about tedious work for all parties involved.

Tombes moved on to the third of Marshall's Greek Fathers, Origen. First he gave a critical analysis of the work's authenticity. He wrote:
The next Greeke Author is Origen, who you say lived in the beginning of the third century, Perkins and Usher place him at the year 230, but for his works, as of old they were counted full of errours and dangerous to be reade, so as now they are, we can hardly tell in some of them what is Origens, What not : for the original being lost, we have only the latine translation, which being

Historical Arguments
performed in many of his works, and particularly the Homilies on Leviticus and the Epistle to the Romans, by Ruffinus, it appeares by his own confession, that he added many things of his own, insomuch that Erasmus in his censure of the Homilies on Leviticus saith, that a man cannot be certain if he reads Ruffinus or Origen; and Perkins puts among Origens Counterfeit works his Commentary on the Epistle of the Romans, as being not faithfully translated by Ruffinus : the like is the judgement of Rivet and others, and I suppose did you reade the passages themselves you cite, and consider how they are brought in : and how plaine the expressions are against the Pelagians : you would quickly conceive, that those passages were put in after the Pelagian heresie was confuted by Hierom and Augustine, who often tells us that the Fathers afore that controversie arose, did not speake plainly against the Pelagians : and of all others, Origen is most taxed as Pelagianizing.35

Tombes discredited the use of Origen by appeal to the common belief that Origen's work was adumbrated sometime after the Pelagian controversy. The argument is this: The Pelagian controversy was an early fifth century controversy; it caused the re-editing of this manuscript; therefore the manuscript in question came after the early fifth century Pelagian controversy and not from the hand of Origen directly.

Tombes still went on to examine the content of the questionable work. He wrote, still in reply to Marshall:
But what saith the supposed Origen? In one place that the Church received this tradition of baptizing infants from the Apostles : in another according to the observation of the Church baptisme is granted to infants, you adde (as foreseeing that this passage would prove that then it was held but a tradition) that then the greatest points of faith were ordinarily called traditions, received from the Apostles, and you cite 2 Thes. 2.15. To which I reply, true it is that they did call the greatest points of faith, though written, traditions Apostolicall, as conceiving they might best learne what to hold in points of faith, from the Bishops of those Churches where the Apostles preached, and therefore in prescriptions against Hereticks, Tertullian, Irenaeus, and others, direct persons to go to the Churches where the Apostles sate, specially the Romane Church which seems to have beene the seed of Appeals to Rome, and the ground of the conceit which was had of the Popes unerring Chaire. But it is true also they called Apostolicall traditions any thing though unwritten, which was reported to have come from the Apostles; as the time of keeping Easter, and many more, which was the fountain of all corruptions in discipline and worship. And in those places you cite, is meant an unwritten tradition, not only the not

Antipaedobaptism in the Thought of John Tombes
citing any Scripture for Baptizing of Infants, but also the very Phrases... are sufficient proofe to them who are acquainted with the Ancients writings of those times. So that yet you have not proved that the baptisme of Infants was time out of minde, that it had beene received in the Church, or was delivered over to the Church in Origens time, and was accounted but an Apostolicall tradition, according to the observance of the Church.36
Certainly Marshall would not have conceded the supremacy of the Pope or the Roman Church; however, with profound subtlety, Tombes equated the two traditions. The conclusion for Marshall, and other readers, to have drawn was that they could not have one without the other. If there were unwritten, yet binding, apostolic traditions which made one perform compulsory practises, consistency would demand that infant baptism and Roman ecclesiastical supremacy be treated the same.
Previously, Tombes had turned Marshall's assertion as regards the dating of Origen into a dubious one. Given Marshall's argument from unwritten tradition handed down from apostolic authority, Tombes pressed this argument to its logical end. Marshall should have argued for the full acceptation of the oral tradition-a tradition codified by Origen's annotators hundreds of years after the Apostolic age.
Tombes moved on to Gregory of Nazianzus, the final Greek Father offered by Marshall. Tombes replied:
...[W]ho is by Perkins placed at the yeare 380. by Usher 370. much short of the 1500 yeares and upwards, you say that Orat. in Baptismum, he calls baptisme, signalum visa cursum in runtibus, and commands Children to be baptized, though afterwards he seemed to restraine it to the case of necessity. But doth he seem only to restraine it to the case of necessity? the words are plaine, that he gives the reason why Infants in danger of death should be baptized...that they might not misse of the common grace...that they might be instructed, and so their minds and bodyes might be Sanctified, and these are all you bring of the Greek Church.37
Gregory viewed baptism as a means to convey God's common grace to infants out of sanctifying necessity. It was another salvific understanding requiring a mechanical operation of grace by

Historical Arguments
virtue of the act of baptising, "opere operatum"38.

Tombes displayed the "wrong original" for paedobaptism once again. He continued to manifest four problems individually with the use of these Greek Fathers:

By the examination of which you may perceive how well you have proved, that it is manifest out of most of the Records that we have of antiquitie both in the Greeke and Latine Church, that the Christian Church hath beene in possession of the priviledge of baptizing the infants of believers for the space of 1500. yeares and upwards. Whereas the highest is but a bastard Treatise and yet comes not so high, if it were genuine ; the next with a glosse, which agrees not with the text, speakes nothing to the purpose, the third is of very doubtfull credit, the fourth which was sundry hundreds of yeares after Christ restraines it in the case of necessity.39

Tombes did not leave out his own analysis of the Greek Fathers. He vented his personal surprise at their silence in particular cases. He included words from many as he wrote:

But it is a wonder to me, that if it were so manifest as you speake, you should find nothing in Eusebius for it, nor in Ignatius, nor in Clemens Alexandrinus, or in Athanasius, not in Epiphanius, that I mention not others: to me it is no small argument that baptisme of Infants was not universally knowne in the Greek Church, no not in Epiphanius his dayes, who is said to flourish in the yeare 390. because in his Panarium, disputing against the Hieracites, that denied Infants inheriting the Kingdome of heaven, because not striving. He brings the Infants killed by Herod, the words of the Lord concerning Ieremiah Chap.I. of his prophecie: Christs blessing and receiving of infants, the children crying Hosanna: but nothing at all of Infants-baptisme, which had beene as proper to his purpose if he had beene acquainted with it. But besides the continuance of the questions to baptized persons, and answered by them, in many authors mentioned, this is to me, and it seemed so to Hugo Grotius, annot. in Matth. 19. 14. No small evidence, that baptisme of Infants many hundred yeares was not ordinary in the Greeke Church: because not onely Constantine the Great, though the sonne of Helena a zealous Christian it is reported, was not baptized till aged, but also that Gregory Nazianzen who was the sonne of a Christian Bishop, and brought up long by him, was not baptized till he came to be a youth, as it is related in his life. And Chrysostom though (as Grotius saith) according to truer opinion, borne of Christian Parents, and educated by Meletius a Bishop, yet was not baptized till past 21 yeares of age. Grotius addes, that the Canon of the Synod of Neocasarea held in 315. determines that a woman with childe must be baptized, because the baptisme reached

Antipaedobaptism in the Thought of John Tombes
not to the fruit of her Wombe, because in the confession made in baptisme, each ones own free choice is shewed From which Canon, Balsamon and Zonarus do inferre, that an Infant cannot be baptized, because it hath not power to choose the confession of divine baptisme. And Grotius adds further, that many of the Greeks in every age unto this day do keep the custome of differing the baptisme of little ones, till they could themselves make a confession of their faith. From all which I inferre, that the Anabaptists need not blush to say (which you seem to make a part of their impudence) that the Ancients, especially the Greek Church, rejected the baptisme of Infants for many hundred yeeres.40

The Latin Fathers

Proceeding to the Latin Fathers, Tombes examined the evidence put forth by Marshall from Cyprian, Fidus, Augustine and Jerome (Hierom). Within the context of the discussion, Tombes also added Tertullian. To introduce the literature, Tombes wrote:

...[Y]ou alledge for Baptisme of Infants. First Cyprian, one of the ancientest writers amongst the Latines: which is true; He is placed by Perkins at the yeare 240. by Usher, at the yeare 250. Yet Tertullian was before him, and counted his master: Now in Tertullians time, it appears (saith Grotius in Mat. 19. 14.) there was nothing defined concerning the age which they were to be baptized, that were consecrated by their parents to Christian discipline, because he disswades by so many reasons (in his book of Baptism c.18.) the baptizing of infants. And if he did allow it, it was only in case of necessity, as may appeare by his words in his book de anima, c. 39. But you say, Cyprian handles it at large, in Epist. 59. ad fidum. It is true, he doth say enough in that Epistle for the baptizing of Infants, and more then enough, except he had spoken to better purpose. The truth is, the very reading of that Epistle, upon which Hierom, and especially Augustine rely for proving of the baptizing of Infants, is sufficient to discover how great darkness there was upon the spirits that were counted the greatest lights in the Church.41

Tombes was not intimidated by the accepted authorities in the church. No one was sacrosanct. He believed truth could be known and he was driven to discover what it might be. The critical evaluation of these authorities came next. On Fidus, Tombes wrote dismissively:

Whence it plainly appeares, that there was a relique of Judaisme in him, and

Historical Arguments
that he did not well understand the abrogation of the Ceremoniall Law: and the truth is, the contentions about Easter, neere that age, do plainly shew, that Iudaisme was not quite weeded out of the mindes of the teachers among Christians.42

For Tombes, the next section was critical for pointing out the wrong original of paedobaptism. He moved on to Cyprian and the decrees of the Council of Sixty-Six bishops. Tombes replied to Marshall's use of Cyprian in this way:

You say Cyprian assures him, that by the unanimous consent of 66 Bishops gathered together in Councell, baptisme was to be administered to Infantes, as well as to growne men; and not to be restrained to any time, which is true, but you add, and proves it by such arguments as these. They are under originall sinne, they need pardon, and are capable of grace and mercy, God regards not age, etc. But the resolution of Cyprian with his Collegues is not so lightly to be passed over, sith the determination of this Councell, as far as I can search finde, is the very spring-head of Infant Baptisme. To conceive it aright, it is to be considered that you are mistaken, about the proofe of their opinion: the things you mention, are not proofe, but produced in answer to objections. The proofe is but one, except you will make a proofe of that which is in the close of the Epistle, which is, that whereas none is to be kept from baptisme, and the grace of God, much lesse New-borne Infants, who in this respect doe deserve more of our ayde, and Gods mercy, because in the beginning of their birth they presently crying and weeping doe nothing else but pray. The only proofe of this, the mercy and grace of God is to be denyed to none, that are borne of man, for the Lord saith in the Gospell, that the sonne of man came not to destroy mens soules, but to save them, and therefore as much as in us lyes, if it may be, no soules is to be lost, and therefore all infants at all times to be baptized. Whence we may observe: I. That they thought baptizing, giving Gods grace, and the denying it, denying Gods grace: Secondly, that they thought the soules to be lost that were not baptized. Thirdly, that therefore not onely Infants of believers, but all infants were to be baptized.43

Tombes pointed out the fallacious use of antiquarian works. If Marshall insisted on his invocation of Cyprian and the Council in this argument as his source of authority, he should have taken their other conclusion as well. Implicitly, Tombes was arguing for a consistent use of the historical record. If Cyprian baptised infants for the same reason Marshall baptised them, he could have used him as

Antipaedobaptism in the Thought of John Tombes
an antiquarian authority to establish a precedent for his covenantal views. Since Cyprian and Marshall failed to have the same use or efficacy in their doctrine of baptism, one does not corroborate the other.

Augustine

Tombes moved on to Augustine, the most significant ancient theological authority in the Medieval Church. He wrote of Augustine:

...[W]ho flourished about the yeare 405. according to Perkins, 410. according to Usher, and I follow you to consider him next; for though Ambrose and Hierome are reckoned somewhat afore him about 30. or 20. yeares, yet they lived at the same time, and the Authority of Augustine was it which carried the Baptisme of Infants in the following ages.44

Read with the ears of modernity, this rejoinder may sound arrogant. However, part of the methodology of debate was to use anything to your advantage. Tombes pointed to two important points: 1. the greater stature and authority of Augustine over his contemporaries; and 2. that Marshall had poisoned the well from which historical matters flowed by using Augustine's authority anachronistically.

Tombes countered with a paraphrase of the mid-ninth century theologian Walafridus Strabo:

...[W]ho in his book, De rebus Ecclesiasticus cap. 26. having said that in the first times, the grace of Baptisme was wont to be given to them onely,who were come to that integrity of minde and body, that they could know and understand, what profit was to be gotten in Baptisme, what is to be confessed, and believed, what lastly is to be observed by them that are borne in Christ...45

The purpose for this citation becomes apparent. Tombes went on to show how this was the practise in Augustine's youth. Augustine's apparent theologising late in life was inconsistent with his own life experiences. Tombes set up a tension between life and practise before he moved on to the issue, "Augustines owne confes

Historical Arguments
sion of himself continuing a Catachumenus long afore Baptized".46 Tombes progressed on to show the change in Augustine's lifetime centred around the understanding of original sin in children. It was Augustine's theology that brought about a change in theological paradigm, though not without controversy.

Tombes went on to present the same medieval point of tension from the baptismal debates of the twelfth century and the relevance therefrom to the discussion of Augustine. Tombes wrote:

To which I adde that Petrus Cluniacensis...writing to the bishops of France against Peter de Bruis, who denied Baptisme of Infants, sayes of him, that he did reject the Authority of the Latine Doctors, being himself a Latine, ignorant of Greeke, and having said recurrit ergo ad scripturas, therefore he runnes to the Scriptures.... From these passages I gather, that as Peter Cluniacensis urged for paedo-baptisme the authority of Augustine and the Latine Doctors, So Peter de Bruis and Henricus appealed to the Scriptures and the Greeke Church.47

Herein Tombes created a bipartite historical precedent. He undermined the authority of Augustine and the Latin Fathers, while establishing an ancient source for his own assertions. Tombes knew the folly of an attack on Augustine directly. He skilfully hid behind others in the initial doubt-casting stage of his argument.

Tombes went on to establish the what and why of Augustine's authority. He then contrasted Augustine's day with a more recent age to continue his subtle attack on Augustine's universal esteem and authority. Tombes was not merely tearing down an icon. He showed how in a narrow area at a specific time Augustine's tools smashed to bits a particular Pelagian stone. He wrote:

Now the reason of Augustines authority was this, the Pelagian heresie being greatly condemned, and Augustines workes being greatly esteemed, as being the hammer of the Pelagians.... The Councells that did condemne it as those of Carthage, Arles Milevus [Etc.] did rest altogether on Augustines arguments, and often on his words, and Augustine in time was accounted one of the foure Doctors of the Church, esteemed like the foure Evangelists, so that his opinion was the rule of the Churches Judgement, and the schooles determination, as to the great hurt of Gods Church Luther and others have been of late.48

Antipaedobaptism in the Thought of John Tombes
Tombes reduced Augustine's concerns and presented a refutation of them. Tombes engaged Augustine's thought because he taught a form of paedobaptism for the "remission of sinnes". Tombes wrote on how the practise of the time surrounding Augustine, his family, and friends, could not point to a universal practise. Tombes also postulated the reason for the emerging practise in his first of six responses. He wrote:
First, in that whereas he makes it so Universall a tradition, his owne baptisme, not till above thirty, though educated as a Christian by his mother Monica, the Baptisme of his sonne Adeodatus at 15. of his friend Alipius, if there were no more, were enough to prove that this custome of baptizing infants, was not so received, as that the Church thought necessary that all children of Christians by profession should be baptized in their infancy.... Yet I doe very much question whether they did in Africa, even in Augustines time baptize children, except in danger of death, or for health of body, or such like reason: I do finde that they held that Infants must be baptized out of such cases, for it is clear out of sundry of Augustines Tracts, as particular tract. II in Johan: that the order held of distinguishing the Catechumeni and baptized, and the use of Catechizing afore baptisme, still continued, yea and a great while after, insomuch that when Peter Cluniacensis disputed against Peter de Bruis, he said only, that there had been none but infants baptized for 300. yeares, or almost 500. yeares in Gallia, Spaine, Germany, Italy, and all Europe, and it seemes he denyed not the baptizing of growne persons in Asia still; whence I collect, that even in the Latine Church, after Augustines dayes, in sundry ages the baptizing of persons of growne age did continue as well as baptizing of infants, till the great darkness that over-spired the Westerne Churches, spoiled by Barborous Nations, destitute of learned men, and ruled by ambitious and unlearned Popes, when there were none to Catechize, and therefore they baptized whole countries upon baptisme of the King of that Country, though both Prince and people knew little or nothing of Christianity, but were in respect of manners and knowledge Pagans still, which hath beene the great cause of the upholding of the Papacie, and corrupting of Christian Churches, I mean this great corruption of baptizing, making Christians, giving Christendome (as it is called) afore persons were taught what Christianity was, or if they were taught anything, it was only the ceremonies and rites of the Church, as they called them.49

Tombes continued with his second criticism of Augustine where he considered the basis or ground on which Augustine allowed for Infant Baptism. He wrote:

Historical Arguments
You may conceive how light Augustine's judgement was by considering the ground upon which Augustine held, and urged the baptisme of Infants so vehemently; which was, as all know that read his works...that without baptisme Infants must be damned, by reason of originall sinne, which is not taken away but by Baptisme, yea, though he wanted baptisme out of necessity; urging those places. Joh. 3. 5. Rom. 5. 12. continually in his disputes against the Pelagians....50

Applying this research to Marshall's work, Tombes continued:

The ground that you go on, that the covenant of grace belongs to believers and their seed, I cannot find amongst the Ancients.... Yet we finde no remedy allowed by them, but actual baptisme for children born into the world: So strictly did Augustine and the Ancients urge the necessity of Baptisme for Infants born.51
Tombes went on to some counter-argumentation by analogy. The issue in this brief reply is paedocommunion, the practise of giving the Eucharist to children and infants. This section is merely to undermine the theologising of Augustine outside of the Pelagian controversy. For Tombes, it does not follow that Augustine is to be considered an authority in everything because he was exceptional in one area. Perhaps this is an intrusion of Tombes's Calvinistic view of depravity and remaining sin imposed upon the theological work of Augustine. Tombes rejoined:

You may consider, that Augustine held a like necessity of Infants receiving the Lords supper, from the words, Joh. 6. 53. as is plainly expressed by him.... And accordingly, as in Cyprians time, the Communion was given to Infants, as appears by the story which relates of himself, giving the Communion to an Infant, in his book de lapsis, mentioned by August. epist. 23. So it is confessed by Maldonat on John. 6. that Innocentius the first Bishop of Rome, held it necessary for Infants; and that his opinion and practise continued about 600 yeares in the Church, though it be now rejected by the Romane Church in the Councel of Trent.52

Tombes's appeal was for consistency. If infants were baptised out of necessity because of original sin by the ancients and if infants were given the Eucharist for the same reason, those arguing for the

Antipaedobaptism in the Thought of John Tombes
perpetuity of one should likewise argue for the other. For Tombes, if Marshall argued from historical precedent via Augustine's authority in belief and practise for infant baptism, 
Marshall should allow, out of consistency of use, for paedocommunion as well. If not one, then not the other.

Tombes continued to undermine the use of Augustine as an authority for Marshall's baptismal views based on a covenantal connection. He wrote on Augustine's view of regeneration through baptism. Tombes wrote:
 
You may consider, that Augustine held such a certainty of obtaining regeneration by Baptisme, that not only he puts usually regeneration for Baptisme, but also he makes no question of the regeneration of Infants, though they that brought them, did not bring them with that faith, that they might be regenerated by spirituall grace to eternal life; but because Baptisme they thought to procure health to their bodies.... [Y]ou may perceive how corrupt Augustine was in this matter, so as to excuse, if not to justifie their fact, who made use of Baptisme in so profane a manner, as to cure diseases by it: which is no marvaile, if it be true which is related, of the approbation that was given of Baptisme used by Athanasius in play amongst the boyes.53

Drawing on the content and context of Augustine's work, Tombes added:

You may consider, that in the same Epistle, when Bonifacius pressed Augustine to shew how Sureties could be excused from Lying, who being asked of the Childs faith answered, He doth believe, (for even in Baptisme of Infants they thought in all ages it necessary that a profession of faith go before) He defends that act in this absurd manner: Respondetur credure propter fidei Sacramentum,54 And thence he is called a believer, because he hath the Sacrament of faith. Which as it is a ridiculous playing with words, in so serious a matter before God, so it is a senslesse answer, sith the interogation was of the Childs faith before it was baptized, and the answer was given before, and therefore it cannot be understood of believing by receiving the sacrament of faith, which came after.55

Tombes pushed his point to the limit. He wanted to undermine any ground for Augustine's view of baptism. He questioned, ever so subtly, Augustine's credibility by this line of inquiry. Tombes implied that Augustine treated lightly what God treated seriously.

Historical Arguments
Perhaps Tombes did not fully appreciate the Platonic underpinnings of Augustine's beliefs whereby transactions on earth have their counterpart in heaven. Surely for Augustine the words spoken by people were irrelevantit was only the heavenly pronouncement of God in heaven that mattered. All else were shadows in a cave.

Tombes went on to his final criticism of Marshall's use of Augustine to demonstrate, yet again, the disparity between their respective views. He wrote:

It is apparent out of the same Epistle, that Infants were then admitted to baptisme, whether they were the children of believers, or not; it was no matter with the intention they brought them, nor whose children were brought; yea, it was counted a work of charity to bring any children to baptisme, and in this case the faith of the whole Church was counted a sufficient supplement of the defect of the parents or bringers faith: So that whereas the present defenders of Infant-Baptisme, pretend Covenant-holinesse a priviledge of Believers, it was no such matter in the time of the Ancients, but they baptized any Infants even of Infidels, upon this opinion, That Baptisme did certainly give grace to them; and if they dyed without baptisme, they did perish.56

Tombes removed the appearance of theological unanimity between the covenantal position of Stephen Marshall and the "opere operatum" position of Augustine. What was left were a few tenuous connections in practise, and none in the underlying reason for infant baptism. Tombes dismissed quickly the relevance of Jerome and Ambrose for the discussion. He simply linked them to the errors of Augustine and ended the discussion there, writing:

...[I]n which [Hierom] maintains baptisme of Infants, and Infant-communion, as necessary to salvation, and the certainty of regeneration and salvation to Infants that are baptized, and receive the Lords supper. So that the same answer be given to Hierom, which is to be given concerning Augustine. The last you alledge, is Ambrose, who lived about the same time, though he be placed some yeares before Augustine and Hierom; And it is confessed that he was of the same judgement, and many other of the Ancients of the same time, and in after-ages, but nothing comparable to those already named....57

Tombes moved on to make his final conclusions as regards Marshall's use of the Greek and Latin Fathers. He offered six main points for consideration and six subpoints wherein Marshall had failed

Antipaedobaptism in the Thought of John Tombes
to make his case. Tombes believed Marshall had helped to disprove what he should have affirmed. He wrote:

Now then, you say, you relate not to prove the truth of a thing, but only the practise of it. It is well you added this, that you might disclaime the validity of these testimonies for proof; for the truth is they rather prove the thing to be an error, than a truth, which was held upon such erroneous ground as they taught and practised it, to wit, the necessity of Baptisme to salvation, Joh. 3. 5. The certainty of remission of originall sin by baptisme; The denying of God's grace to none, And the perishing of those to whom Baptisme was not given. Whether you have any better proofs, I shall consider hereafter: in the mean time this I adde. 1. That concerning the practise, your testimonies prove not, that it was in practise, but in case of supposed necessity. 2. That there was still in use a constant course of baptizing, not only the converted from infidelity, but also the grown children of professed believers, when they were at full age. 3. That they did alike conceive a necessity of, and accordingly practise the giving of the Lords supper to Infants. 4. That they made no distinction between the Infants of believers and unbelievers being brought to them. 5. That your ancientest testimonie for practise, according to any Rule determined, is Cyprian, neer 300 yeeres after Christ. 6. Lastly, there are many evidences that so as strongly prove, as proofs are usually taken in such matters, That is was not from the beginning: As particularly, 1. The continued propounding of the ordinary questions even to infants concerning faith, repentance, and obedience, afore they were baptized, which in the School-men was still held necessary, and therefor Sureties thought necessary to answer for them, yea even in Reformed Churches, unto this day which as it was conceived by Strabo, and Vines in his Comment on Aug. lib. I. de civit. Dei, c. 27. a cleare evidence; so I conceive any reasonable man will think it to be a manifest proof that at first none were baptized but such as understood the faith of Christ. 2. The examples before mentioned, of baptising Gregory Nazianzen, Chrysostom, Augustine, Constantine the great, etc. being children of professors of Christianity, is a manifest proof they did not baptize Infants ordinarily, but extraordinarily in case of necessity. 3. Specially if we joyn hereto the disswasions of Tertullian, and Gregory Nazianzen forementioned. 4. The plain testimony of the Councel of Neo-Casarea agai[n]st it, before mentioned. 5. The silence of the chiefe writers, Eusebius, etc. concerning it. 6. The many passages in Augustine, and others, referring it only to Apostolicall tradition,, and that usually proved by no higher testimony than Cyprian, & that brought in upon erroneous grounds, is a strong evidence that it came not from the Apostles.58
The one apparent problem for Tombes was the use of one of Augustine's annotators, Vine, to make this final point rather than

Historical Arguments
culling it from Augustine's own writings.

Tombes gave his summary conclusion as regards the historical materials and Marshall's justification of infant baptism therefrom. He wrote:

More testimonies and evidences might be brought out of sundry authors: but these are enough to me, and I think to any that search into Antiquity, to prove, that the custome of baptizing Infants was not from the beginning, and therefore is but an Innovation: especially that your tenet, and practise accordingly, is a very late innovation, [That Baptisme is to be given to Infants of Believer only, because of supposed Covenant holiness] not elder than Zwinglius, and so not much above one hundred yeares old, so far as I can find.59

Antipaedobaptism in the Thought of John Tombes
Notes for Chapter Six:
1. Tombes, Exercitation, p. 26.
2. Tombes, Exercitation, p. 26.
3. Tombes, Exercitation, pp. 26f. From Tombes's comment on the bottom of p. 26, "That tenet and practise, which being put: Baptism cannot be administered as John Baptist and the Apostles did administer, agrees not with the practise of John Baptist and the Apostles", leaves the inference that some attempted to construct a theology of baptism without regard for the belief and practise of John the Baptist and the Apostles as found in Scripture. For him, this kind of thinking was not only irrational, it was without foundation. This argument is to demonstrate the foundationlessness of those who practised paedobaptism without regard to the practise found in the New Testament.
4. Tombes, Exercitation, pp. 26f. These syllogisms are reconstructed for clarity from the material on these pages.
5. Tombes, Exercitation, p. 26.
6. Tombes, Exercitation, p. 27.
7. Tombes, Exercitation, p. 27.
8. Tombes, Exercitation, pp. 26f.
9. Tombes, Exercitation, p. 27.
10. Tombes, Examen, p. 151.
11. Tombes, Examen, p. 153.
12. Tombes, Exercitation, p. 27.
13. Tombes, Exercitation, p. 27.
14. Tombes, Exercitation, p. 27.
15. Tombes, Exercitation, p. 27.
16. Robert Ram, Paedo-Baptisme or, The Baptizing of Infants Justified: By the judgement and practise of Ancient and Moderne Protestant Divines, both Foraine, and of this nation: clearly proving the absolute necessity of baptizing infants, from the authority of sacred Scripture, and the force of undeniable reason, London, 1645.
17. Mordecai Feingold, "Oriental Studies," in Nicholas Tyacke, ed., The History of the University of Oxford, Vol. IV, Clarendon Press,

Historical Arguments
Oxford, 1997, p. 469, esp n65. Feingold cites Wood, Athenae Oxoniensis, Vol. iii, 926-31, 1062-7, as his source to declare, "Tombes became a noted tutor, numbering John Wilkins among his students, and succeeded Pemble as the hall's [Magdalen] catechist. He eventually turned Baptist and, as a result, little of his early promise as a learned classicist and Hebraic scholar was translated into scholarly publications". This writer believes this to be an error in judgement. This declaration does not consider the scholarship manifest within Tombes's Antipaedobaptist writings. Whether one accepts Tombes's conclusions or not, his abilities in classical research and presentation must be admitted.
18. The Quakers attempted an historical argument for their beliefs. Samuel Fisher, Rusticus Ad Acedemicos in Exercitationibus Epostulatoriis, Apologicuis Quator. The Rustick's Alarm to the Rabbies: or, the Country Correcting the University, and Clergy, (and not without good cause) Contending for the Truth..., London, 1660, Second appendix, Christ's Light Springing, Arising up, Shining forth, and displaying itself through the whole World.... In the introduction, Fisher states, "...from under that Priestly Darkness wherewith it has been clouded and overcast, by the space of one thousand two hundred and Sixty years, in this our Antichristian-Christian World" . Subtracting this number from the date, 1660, we infer that Fisher believed "Christ's light" was eclipsed in 400 AD. For him, Quakerism was, at least in part, an attempt to recover a more historical version of Christianity. Perhaps, this was a subtle undercurrent of the tumultuous time.
The turbulence of the 17th Century has a number of causes that converge in England. To see the causes of this social upheaval, see Christopher Hill, Change and Continuity in 17th-Century England. Revised Edition, Yale University Press, New Haven, 1991. First published in 1974 by Weidenfield and Nicholson. See also Hill, The World Turned Upside Down, Penguin Books, London, 1975.
19. Tombes, Exercitation, p. 28.
20. Rufinus published his annotations on the homilies of Origen. Apparently, there was question as regards what was from Origen and

Antipaedobaptism in the Thought of John Tombes
what from Rufinus. The Ecclesiatical History penned by Rufinus was published at Basle in 1544. This accounts for the prominent place it served in the dispute. The work placed the Western scholars in proximity to Eastern theological writings. See Rufinus Tyrannius, in John M'Clintock and James Strong, Cyclopaedia Vol. IX, p 152. Article unsigned.
21. Tombes, Exercitation, p. 28.

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